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France's Philosophe Impolitique
Richard Shusterman
Recent French philosophy has been most passionately loved
and hated for its
militant radicalism. Figures like Jean-Paul Sartre and Michel
Foucault defined
it through an intoxicating blend of subversive theory and
progressive praxis
that deployed academic erudition to wage war and wield influence
in arenas
of social struggle far grander than those of campus politics.
As Diderot and
Rousseau had done two centuries earlier (inspiring the French
Revolution),
so Sartre and Foucault made philosophy seem not just daringly
chic but
socially momentous. Through stirring acts of philosophically
inspired protest,
widely reported by the media, they gave the lay public a
concrete (if
distortedly one-sided) idea of how exciting and politically
potent the work of
progressive philosophy can be. But the more Sartre and Foucault
became
familiar icons for radical causes and inspirational gurus
for the lumpen ranks
of oppositional culture, the more suspicious they became
to philosophers
honed on ideals of analytic rigor and academic purism. Even
if one shared
the same left-wing causes, one's politics (as we learned
at Oxford) should be
kept separate from one's philosophical work, which could
only be corrupted
by the vulgarizing effects of media attention.
Many, therefore, hoped the subversive wave of militant French
theory had
finally (even shamefully) consumed itself when Foucault,
after shifting his
focus to aesthetic self-fashioning and the celebration of
consensual S/M,
died of AIDS in 1984. Pierre Bourdieu has proved them wrong.
Even from
the most reluctant quarters, there is growing recognition
that Paris has a new
"master thinker" worthy of the militant mantle
of Sartre and Foucault. While
Jacques Derrida, François Lyotard and Gilles Deleuze
always seemed far too
slippery and cryptic to have real political impact, Bourdieu
has shown that he
can mobilize trade unions and social movements, not just
graduate seminars.
His views on society command particular authority through
his distinctive
specialist expertise. Having supplemented his philosophical
education by
retooling himself as a social scientist (initially to explore
the culture and
political struggles of Algeria), Bourdieu now speaks as
the chairman of
sociology at the prestigious Collège de France, where
Foucault also taught.
Bourdieu's wide-ranging corpus spans the fields of philosophy,
sociology,
anthropology, aesthetics, linguistics and political theory.
Densely written and
replete with complex graphs and statistical tables, his
major works make
demanding reading for even seasoned academics. Refusing
to compromise
scientific substance for slickness of style, Bourdieu is
equally reluctant to risk
the claim to objectivity by combining his research with
political polemic--at
least in academic texts. Politics, for this Frenchman, requires
other kinds of
papers and audiences, those rarely imported by our university
or commercial
presses. But thanks to the publication of Acts of Resistance:
Against the Tyranny
of the Market (deftly coupled with the paperback issue of
last year's On
Television), American readers can now be properly introduced
to the political
Bourdieu; they can even get an inkling of some of his major
theoretical ideas
(like "field," "habitus" and "reflexivity")
without toiling through weighty
tomes of academic writing.
They can see, for example, how the "field" of
journalism, as "a structured
social space" constituted by power relations and the
values these relations
establish, implicitly instills these values into all ambitious
members of the
field, thus defining the basic perceptual habits that determine
what journalists
see as newsworthy. This habitual way of seeing (and not
seeing) results in a
form of collective, unconscious censorship that, in turn,
poses a higher-level
burden on intellectuals who want their research to be socially
productive.
They need to think not only of the knowledge they provide
but further, and
more reflexively, of the means to anticipate, avoid and
counteract its mediatic
muzzling or distortion.
Acts of Resistance is a collection of short, hard-hitting
texts essentially culled
from Bourdieu's past five years of activism against government
policies that
damaged social welfare and encouraged racism under the pretext
of
protecting the French economy from the pressures of globalization.
Ranging
from polemical Op-Ed pieces and interviews to speeches at
rallies for
striking workers and the unemployed, these texts mount a
ferocious attack
on what Bourdieu's original French subtitle calls "the
invasion of
neoliberalism," a political program that stresses free-market
economics as the
necessary means for achieving progressive social aims and
protecting
individual freedom. How much this ideology pervades the
current US politics
of Clintonism and the centrist "third way" can
be gauged by noting the
central neoliberal myths Bourdieu targets for critique:
that economics defines
the most essential reality; that the free-market system
is both objective
necessity and the democratic expression of individual choice;
that
competition promotes real diversity of products (instead
of uniformity through pressured copying); that globalization
and market trends are
irresistible impersonal forces rather than products of willful
political agendas;
that any resistance to the prevailing Western model of scientific
rationalism
must be irrationalist fundamentalism; that neoliberal thought
is a hiply
progressive revolution rather than a slickly repackaged
restoration of old
robber-baron thought, replete with the social Darwinist
"ideology of
competence" that defines those unable to raise themselves
above poverty as
inherently inferior and undeserving.
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